Author: Emi Postoli Civil society is often considered to be the backbone of democracy, but in Albania, it feels more like a shaky, loose foundation. During its 30 years of democratic consolidation, Albania has failed to ensure the effectiveness of a successful civil society. Despite the high number of activists and NGOs in Albania, their effectiveness is hindered by a range of different historical, institutional, and political factors. Today, political participation and voluntary social action are two areas of civic engagement where Albania is struggling. What holds Albania back from building a strong civil society, and what can be done to overcome these challenges? The communist shadow The country’s long communist legacy is undeniably one of the main causes of its weak civil society nowadays. Civic engagement in Albania was not absent during the communist period, but it was tightly connected to the ideology and interests of the system. Citizens could not initiate any community-driven/voluntarism actions without the involvement of the state, so Albanians did not experience taking a proactive role in society. For instance, volunteerism today may sometimes take a negative connotation simply because of its reputation during communism. Additionally, the regime fostered a culture of spying among citizens leading to fear and mutual suspicion being always present, leading to a weak sense of community and social cohesion.[1] Thus it now appears difficult to build a vibrant civil society based on the experience of a negative collective memory regarding civic cooperation. The gap in implementation Today, while a legal framework exists to include NGOs in decision-making processes, its implementation often falls short. According to a report by the Institute for Democracy and Mediation, the majority of Albanian citizens almost never engage in civil society, and the data indicates that a low trust in the NGOs (compared to media for e.g.) are the main factor contributing to this occurrence.[2] Efforts to bridge the gap between the government and civil society, in terms of institutional mechanisms, have been inconsistent. Although the legal framework does provide space for the inclusion of organizations, proper implementation is usually lacking. Institutional mechanisms for facilitating the linkage and communication between state entities and NGOs are underdeveloped and there is no unified approach on the government’s side. The National Council for Civil Society was legally established in 2015 to facilitate the relation between civil society and the government, but it has produced very little outcome for advancing the dialogue between the two parties.[3] Involvement in the drafting of laws or policies relevant to the sector is almost inexistent. While the government has made efforts to engage with civil society, these initiatives lack practical support and fail to translate into meaningful institutional backing. Influence of politics The engagement of civil society is also heavily politicized at times. The lack of firmly established democratic principles undermines the development of a strong civil society by allowing political affiliations to dictate governmental support for NGOs. Civil society organizations frequently face pressure from political actors to align their activities with partisan agendas, limiting their ability to monitor government actions or hold policymakers accountable.[4] This creates power imbalances that may stop the organisations from achieving their goals. Consequently, civil society cannot perform its monitoring role and hold the government accountable for certain policies or lawmaking. According to UNDP, there is also a lack of transparent criteria with regard to the selection of organizations or associations involved in the decision-making process, allowing for assumptions of favoritism.[5] This dynamic not only weakens CSOs’ independence but also impedes Albania’s democratic progress. It turns out that organizations with more critical stances that do not align with the incumbent’s interests may be disfavored regarding their direct involvement. Decisions taken by government entities with regard to funding and partnership opportunities as well as different regulatory policies for civil society organizations are usually unclear and there is little consultation, leaving dissenting voices marginalized.[6] This kind of politicization directly impacts the sustainability of civil society practices in Albania as political interests are not fixed but short-term, while democratization should be a long-term process. As a result, many Albanians view CSOs as extensions of political parties rather than advocates for genuine social issues, undermining their credibility and public trust.[7] The belief that civil society is politically biased or self-serving makes citizens  reluctant to engage or participate in its initiatives. Lastly, internal factors also impact the effectiveness of civil society in Albania today. In terms of their organisation, civil society organisations sometimes struggle because of issues such as low financial capacities, and lack of professional staff, or limited capacities. [8] In addition, the civil society in Albania appears fragmented whereas the resources and opportunities are usually limited. Financial dependency forces many organizations to rely on funds coming from political entities or politically influenced sources, compromising their civic mission.[9] When external sources and donations appear limited, state support is the only way left for civil society organisations to survive. Is there hope? Despite the challenges faced, civil society has seen some notable efforts in recent years. In 2019, civil society organizations empowered workers to form unions, such as the Unified Miners of Bulqiza Union. Another example is that of 2018-2020 when there was a considerable degree of engagement against the demolition of the National Theatre. However, the case of civic mobilization against the dismantlement of Syria’s chemical weapons in Albania in 2013, remains one of the most successful victories. Protests stemmed from common civic environmentalist concerns engaging dozens of citizens as well as CSOs advocating for the protection of the environment. Initiatives regarding environmental problems have also been very active with regard to the power-plant construction in river banks or national protected parks, where CSOs have provided their legal support, expertise, activist power, and opportunities for media coverage in helping local communities. Yet there has been no shift in the government policy with regard to the construction of the hydro plants of Dragobi and Çeremi. These examples indicate an existing potential for citizen engagement in decision-making in Albania, yet one could argue that the defeats could act as hindrances for future civil society initiatives. Despite the challenges it faces, Albania’s civil society demonstrates the potential for meaningful change, especially with the right support and a more robust institutional framework. Efforts like environmental protests and workers' unionization show that collective action can make a difference. However, to truly strengthen its democracy, Albania must focus on building trust, transparency, and collaboration within its civic space. A strong civil society isn't just an ideal, but it’s essential to ensure that the voices of the people help shape the country's future. [1] Kotoni, M. (2011). CIVIL SOCIETY IN ALBANIA: A CLOSER LOOK AT THE FACTORS WHICH PREVENT ITS STRENGTHENING AND DEVELOPMENT. [2] IDM. “Citizens Engagement in Decision-Making.” Welcome to IDM, 17 Sept. 2020, idmalbania.org/new-projectwidening-the-democratic-space-through-citizens-engagement-in-decision-making/. [3] Agolli, Ariola, et al. Participation of citizens and civil society in decision making, Study on the legal and regulatory framework and practice in Albania. (2013) [4] Florian Cullhaj. (2016). Democratization from Within. Edizioni Nuova Cultura. [5] Albania Progress Report 2022 | United Nations in Albania. (2022). Albania.un.org. https://albania.un.org/en/224031-albania-progress-report-2022 [6] Florian Cullhaj. (2016). Democratization from Within. Edizioni Nuova Cultura. [7] Bino, B., Qirjazi, R., & Dafa, A. (2020). Civil society participation in decision-making in Albania. Institute for Democracy and Mediation for Westminster Foundation for Democracy. [8] Vurmo, G. (2010). CIVIL SOCIETY INDEX FOR ALBANIA IN SEARCH OF CITIZENS & IMPACT Albania World Alliance for Citizen Participation. [9] Bino, B., Qirjazi, R., & Dafa, A. (2020). Civil society participation in decision-making in Albania. Institute for Democracy and Mediation for Westminster Foundation for Democracy.

Author: Mary Drosopoulos The Balkans, with its rich mosaic of cultures, histories, and stories, have long been a site of complex political identities and alliances. In this intricate tapestry, Balkan women authors have emerged as powerful voices of dissent, solidarity, and advocacy, often drawing connections between their histories of displacement and the plight of others. Among the many causes that have sparked their literary and activist fervor, Palestine has stood out as a particularly poignant symbol of resistance. After all, the written word is not merely an artifact of aesthetic value, but a political act; a medium through which justice can—and must—be imagined. This article delves into the stories of two remarkable women authors from the Balkans whose journeys with Palestine have taken unconventional and often challenging paths. One, a writer from North Macedonia, stumbled upon the Palestinian cause not in her homeland but in Germany, where the collision of diasporic identities and political awakenings led her to discover new dimensions of solidarity. The other, a thriving literary voice in Berlin, found her career sabotaged by editorial and publishing circles due to her outspoken stance on Palestine, ultimately forcing her to leave Germany and seek refuge in spaces more accommodating of her convictions. Through their experiences, one can explore the intersections of literature, activism, and exile, shedding light on how Balkan women writers navigate global struggles for justice while grappling with the unique challenges of their own geopolitical and cultural landscapes. ‘Perfect Chaos’: Crossing Borders, Weaving Narratives Marina Trajkovska’s journey into Palestinian advocacy began not in her homeland of North Macedonia but in Germany, where an entirely new world of narratives and solidarities opened before her. Growing up in a country embroiled in its own political disputes, her exposure to Palestine was shaped by a narrow and heavily filtered media lens: "The only things we heard were about the Gaza Strip and terrorism," she recalls in an interview for Balkan Talks. This limited perspective was further complicated by North Macedonia’s gratitude towards Israel for its formal recognition of the country as the "Republic of Macedonia," a politically sensitive acknowledgment that relegated Palestine’s story to the margins. It was only after moving to Berlin that Trajkovska encountered a vibrant Palestinian diaspora and began to unravel the complexities of their culture, history, and struggle. Through her work with the Berlin-based NGO Loesje e.V., she participated in programs funded by the European Commission designed to foster dialogue and creativity between Israelis and Palestinians. Moreover, her understanding of the Middle East was enriched as a participant and alumna of the Euro-Arab Youth Forum, a longstanding initiative of the Council of Europe with the League of Arab States, aiming at promoting intercultural dialogue among young people and organisations. What began as a professional opportunity soon transformed into a deeply personal passion. With subsequent trips, she immersed herself in Palestinian cities, villages, and communities, forging connections that would profoundly influence both her activism and her creative work. Marina Trajkovska book signing in Bitola, 2017 Trajkovska’s engagement with Palestine was not confined to observation. Her activism focused on empowering Palestinian youth by integrating them into international initiatives and European projects. Through these efforts, she sought to create opportunities for cultural exchange and mutual understanding. This hands-on approach deeply informed her creative pursuits, particularly her trilogy, Perfect Chaos. The first volume, published in late 2017, explores the roles and responsibilities of women across different societies, with a protagonist who is intricately connected to Palestine. For Trajkovska, the trilogy was more than a work of fiction; it was an act of education and advocacy. North Macedonia, a country without formal diplomatic ties to Palestine and with limited media coverage of the conflict, lacks widespread understanding of the Palestinian struggle. Trajkovska’s work sought to bridge this gap, offering readers a nuanced portrayal of Palestinian culture, resilience, and daily life. "Despite the different places where we live, the expectations of women are more or less similar everywhere," she notes, emphasizing the universality of human experience amidst diversity. Yet, the author is acutely aware of the political constraints shaping her homeland’s stance on Palestine. North Macedonia’s dependence on Israeli support in its transitional economy has influenced its foreign policy, often aligning it against Palestinian interests in fora like the United Nations. Despite this, she believes that her people hold a deep empathy for Palestinians, informed by their own historical traumas, thus ‘a shared sense of suffering." Marina Trajkovska in Jerusalem, 2019 Author, Character and Lived Experience: Principles Beyond the Page Lana Bastašić, the Zagreb-born Bosnian-Serb author of the acclaimed road trip novel Catch the Rabbit, has never shied away from navigating turbulent waters, whether in her fiction or in life. Her novel, originally published in Serbo-Croatian as Uhvati zeca (2018), which won the 2020 European Union Prize for Literature, is a poignant meditation on identity, memory, and the fraught landscapes of post-Yugoslav reality. Like the narrator of her celebrated work, who embarks on a chaotic journey through the fissures of history and friendship, Bastašić herself has undertaken a journey of profound ethical reckoning—this time on the frontlines of cultural politics. In a decision that sent ripples through literary circles, Bastašić, who was until recently based in Berlin, announced last January on Instagram the termination of her contract with S. Fischer Verlag, one of Germany’s most esteemed publishing houses, citing its silence on the Israeli bombardment of Gaza and the systematic censorship she observed unfolding in Germany. Bastašić was unsparing in her critique of Germany’s intellectual climate, accusing it of suppressing Jewish artists, writers, and scholars who have spoken out against Israeli policies. Many, she noted, had been “silenced,” lost their livelihoods, or faced public vilification. This silence, she argued, undermined any claims to combatting antisemitism. In severing ties with S. Fischer, the author struck a blow against what she sees as a moral void in the German literary establishment, exposing the uncomfortable nexus between cultural prestige and political complacency. Lana Bastašić The consequences of this decision were immediate and far-reaching. Bastašić openly acknowledged the financial losses incurred by walking away from a German translation deal. "The advance that I would have gotten for my next novel in German translation is bigger than all my other nineteen translations combined," she remarked in an interview with Middle East Eye. For any writer, the German market represents not just income, but visibility: invitations to festivals, readings, and book fairs. For Bastašić, however, the cost of staying silent far outweighed the material gains of compliance. In the months that followed, she announced her leaving Berlin. It is tempting to frame this decision as an act of self-sacrifice, yet this would do a disservice to her resolve. Like her Catch the Rabbit protagonist, who refuses the comfort of forgetting, the author herself refuses to disengage from the fractures that define our world. Her choice is not simply a renunciation of privilege but a reminder that the privilege of a voice must be wielded responsibly. In Bastašić’s personal narrative, one finds echoes of her literary work: the same unflinching gaze, the same determination to uncover uncomfortable truths. Defiance as Creation; feminist activism under the postcolonial solidarity lens This act of defiance sits at the crossroads of several pressing questions: What does it mean to be an artist in times of moral crisis? How does one navigate the tension between creative autonomy and ethical responsibility? For an artist, the act of defiance is not merely a rejection of oppression; it is the reclamation of agency, the insistence on the autonomy to speak, to create, and to resist. As the philosopher Jacques Rancière argues, “Politics is about what is seen and what can be said about it, about who has the ability to see and the talent to speak.” In this sense, the act of defiance is deeply tied to the very essence of art. For Marina Trajkovska and Lana Bastašić, defiance has manifested in profoundly different yet equally consequential ways. Their experiences, shaped by their identities as Balkan women writers and their shared advocacy for Palestine, illuminate the tension between the artist’s ethical responsibility and the constraints imposed by geopolitics, economics, and institutional power. The city of Berlin, symbolic in itself for its history of division, served as a pivotal stage—offering freedom and opportunity to one, and constraint to the other. The personal stories of these two authors are not isolated incidents but part of a broader tradition of Balkan women writers whose work transcends the boundaries of art to enter the realm of activism. Emerging from a region historically defined by conflict, marginalization, and political upheaval, these women often embody what Svetlana Slapšak, a prominent feminist scholar from the Balkans, has termed the “double burden” of writing: grappling with both patriarchal oppression and the political demands of a divided and contentious space. For centuries, Balkan women writers have used literature as a tool for resistance, drawing on their own histories of displacement and struggle to advocate for others. Their work often blurs the lines between the personal and the political, reflecting a commitment to justice that is as much lived as it is written. This dual role—artist and activist—positions them uniquely to engage with global struggles. In Trajkovska’s case, her advocacy stems from an empathetic connection between the historical traumas of the Balkans and the contemporary plight of Palestinians. She draws on shared experiences of displacement, colonial meddling, and the erasure of identity, using her literature to foster understanding and solidarity. Her activism reflects the theoretical framework of postcolonial solidarity (Todorova 1997; Ugrešić 1996; Rexhepi 2018), wherein marginalized groups recognize their interconnected struggles against global systems of power. Bastašić, on the other hand, exemplifies the feminist ethic of refusal articulated by Sara Ahmed in Living a Feminist Life (2017). Ahmed writes, “To refuse to reproduce what you inherit is to refuse to make it easier for a history to keep happening in the same way” (2017:2). Bastašić’s decision to sever ties with her German publisher is a refusal to participate in a system that profits from her voice while silencing others. Her defiance is a feminist act of rupture, a rejection of complicity that forces the cultural establishment to confront its ethical failings. In a conclusive thought, one could say that for any artist, but especially one whose work and experience is situated in the Balkan context (be it geographically, personally or academically), resistance is not merely a posture but a relentless reconfiguration of what can be spoken, seen, and endured.

It might not be visible today, but Bulgaria was the first tobacco producer and exporter in the 1980s. Before that, tobacco cultivation in Bulgaria started in the 18th century when Bulgaria was still a part of the Ottoman Empire. Up until the Second World War, Bulgaria developed even more this cultivation for it to hold an important part in the country's economy. During communist Bulgaria, tobacco cultivation and exportation exploded to the point that “half the population smoked and a fourth worked in the tobacco industry” in 1982. Thus, tobacco is intrinsically linked to Bulgaria’s society, economy, and politics.  This article proposes a focus on the history of women, tobacco cultivation, and smoking in Bulgaria since the 19th century. It is based on the wonderful work of Mary C. Neuburger: Balkan Smoke: Tobacco and the Making of Modern Bulgaria,published in 2013 by Cornell University Press.  I. Women and Smoking in Bulgaria: from the 19th Century to Second World War A. Tobacco entering Bulgaria and women’s life Bulgaria, after the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878 and its partial liberation, was still de jure a part of the Ottoman Empire. It was nonetheless de facto already functioning independently after 1878 and even more after the Unification in 1885 until it declared its independence in 1908. Tobacco was introduced in the Ottoman Empire more than two centuries earlier, but it started to be more cultivated in Bulgaria in the 19th century. Smoking first started among Muslim men, then Muslim women in the 17th century, but not in public spaces. Women were gathering and smoking only “in the baths, at fashionable parties, or in the salons of elite Ottoman or foreign homes”. It then slowly entered Christians’ lives, both men and women, almost at the same time, for it to be common in the mid-19th century. But, as for Muslim women, smoking for Christian women was restricted to domestic space “behind closed doors or high garden walls”, while men were gathering and smoking in the kafene (coffeehouse) and the kruchma (tavern), places of socialization reserved to men.  A woman herself, though not Bulgarian, documented smoking among Bulgarian women in the 19th century: Fanny Blunt (1839-1926). She was a diplomat’s wife and spent years in the Ottoman Balkans where she observed and reported smoking among women. B. Emancipation and Female Figures Slowly and scarcely, a handful of women started smoking in public in the 19th century and a bit more until the Second World War. They even started entering the kafene and European-style cafés, but later, only after World War I. They were only a few because being a woman in a public space without being accompanied by a man was almost impossible in society at that time. Learning about their profile, one can see that they were all quite strong and independent. But it has to be mentioned that most of them could be allowed this behavior because they were part of the Westernized elites and were claiming, directly or indirectly more freedom and more modern values. Another type of women smoking in public were women of « questionable repute », such as prostitutes, and women dancing and singing. Among these women from intellectual and cultural elites, the most famous and noticeable ones are Baba Nedelya Petkova, Vela Blagoeva, and Raina Kostensteva.  Baba Nedeliya Petkova (1826-1894), an important figure of the Bulgarian National Revival and pioneer for girls’ education in the 19th century, “was known to have scandalized Bulgarian sensibilities with her public smoking habit”.  Vela Blagoeva (1858-1921), writer and founder of the women’s socialist movement, was the wife of Dimitur Blagoev, the founder of the Bulgarian socialist movement at the end of the 19th century. Vela « was a well-known smoker and one of Bulgaria’s first “modern girls” ». Raina Kostensteva (1885-1967) was a literary figure of the early 20th century and interwar period. She was often seen in the kafena and the kafene-sladkarnitsi (café-pastry shops). She also was the woman who wrote and denounced, even criticized, the situation of women and smoking in Bulgaria, as being slowed and limited because of the Orthodox Christian values.  II. Fallen Women and Abstinence A. Fallen Women As seen above, smoking women in public was extremely rare. They were either “westernized” or “women of questionable morals” (singers, dancers, prostitutes). In both cases, they were seen by the vast majority of society as morally compromised women acting against traditional values, impersonating the symptoms of moral decline and depravity. They represented social decay and were suspicious. They were seen and categorized as “fallen women”. But, from today’s point of view, they were a small expression of the changes happening more widely in society at that time: women getting a little bit more liberty and rights.  B. Abstinence In opposition to smoking in Bulgaria appeared abstinence movements. They were initially influenced by American Protestant missionaries who started their activity in the late 19th and early 20th centuries and led those campaigns at that time and during the interwar period. Their anti-smoking (and anti-alcohol) campaigns aimed at keeping traditional family values and targeted both men and women. Among the actors of those campaigns, we could find women, even women as leaders.  Vera Zlatareva (1905-1977) and Ianka Tosheva were such figures. But they were not against smoking in itself only regarding tobacco. They were writing (especially in Vestnik na zhenata, (“Journal of the Woman”) and fighting for more rights for all women, and wanted them to “become modern [women] only by being both abstinent and socially conscious”. In this way, they knew Bulgarian women had been emancipated in different ways in the last decades, but they had to keep being respectable and responsible, and off smoking in this regard.  III. Tobacco Work and Harvest and Women A. Workers and Wars The tobacco industry started to hold a major importance in Bulgaria’s economy in the early 20th century. Thousands of people were working in the cultivation and harvest of tobacco. Among those workers, women were far from absent in cultivating and processing the “gold of Bulgaria”. Their role and work were even more important during the Balkan Wars and the two World Wars. Men were fighting at the front and women had to keep running one of the country’s primary economic resources, replacing men. They also had to multiply the production and harvest for national consumption and expectation, especially in Germany.  Even if women had a major role in those times and this side of the economy, their conditions as workers did not improve nor were acknowledged. They had to work even harder to keep their families, the economy, and the country running. They were not thanked nor they hard work estimate.  B. Protestations Women in tobacco cultivation, in addition to their work, also called for peace in 1917, as was the case more generally in Europe. “By December, around ten thousand workers, many tobacco workers among them, swarmed the streets calling for peace and revolution. The upheavals rapidly snowballed into antiwar protests across the country and on the front and led to mass desertions”. These demonstrations highlighted women’s increasing assertiveness in public life, challenging both economic exploitation and societal norms. During interwar decades, tobacco workers were among the most vocal labour groups and were advocating for improved rights and conditions. Despite these efforts, the industry continued to rely on cheap female labour, perpetuating cycles of inequality. Changing was to happen after the Second World War.  IV. Smoking and Women during Communism A. Smoking expanding massively to women Communist Bulgaria (1944-1989) marked a significant shift in attitudes toward both women and smoking. The country developed tobacco cultivation, harvest, and export as one of its main economic fields and was under the monopoly of Bulgartabak. This importance can be seen: “Half the population smoked and a fourth worked in the tobacco industry” in 1982. Women working in the tobacco industry and smoking can be seen for the whole period as a growing phenomenon. This time, women were finally acknowledged and praised: “[T]oday tobacco is the gold of Bulgaria, and women are its creators”. Women even appeared on a map in the Balgarski Tiutiun (“Bulgarian Tobacco”) movie in 1979. Women consuming tobacco were more and more and “by the late 1970s and 1980s, [...] the number of women smokers skyrocketed”. The State relied on its exports of tobacco to the East Bloc and especially the USSR, but it also promoted national tobacco consumption. Through various campaigns, it promoted smoking as a modern way of life and of expression, including among women. Women's literature, ads, and brands were also created: the “Femina“ brand of cigarettes, for example, especially targeted women, playing on independence, progress, and sophistication to sell to this feminine public. Modern women and, even more, smoking women, embodied new society’s values and habits: “Women played important roles in the visible discarding of rural backwardness in favour of a modern material life”. B. Anti-Smoking and Women Despite all these progresses, movements and campaigns against smoking for women still exist. One of the mediums of such campaigns was the journal Trezvenost (“Sobernity”) in which one could see images of people, both men and women, smoking, and pictured in a bad way. Those campaigns in different layers of society asked women to stop smoking for two main reasons: for moral (sexual) aspects, and mainly for health aspects. The moral (sexual) aspects denounced and wanted to stop were motivated because women smoking were seen as manly, and the sexual (phallic) evocation of a cigarette in the mouth of women made them less desirable in bed. This second aspect is directly linked to one of the two health aspects: since less attractive, women were having fewer babies. In that sense, “[s]moking women [...] posed a concerted threat to the Bulgarian nation itself because of issues related to reproduction and child-rearing”. Those narratives were stronger in the late 1970s and the 1980s when traditional values made their comeback.  The State was thus torn between promoting smoking for women as a marker of emancipation, modernization, and equality, but also for them to buy and help the economy; and refraining women from smoking because it endangered the future of Bulgaria.  Conclusion The history of women, smoking, and tobacco in Bulgaria reflects the interplay of gender, culture, and politics. From private indulgences to public controversies, tobacco has served as both a tool of emancipation and a source of societal tension. Women’s roles in the tobacco industry and their evolving relationship with smoking offer valuable insights into Bulgaria’s and Bulgarian women’s journey through modernity, war, socialism, and global phenomena. 

In Serbia today, a significant gap persists between the promise of gender equality enshrined in law and the realities of women's lives. While the Constitution guarantees equal rights, and gender quotas mandate at least 40% representation in government bodies, the situation on the ground tells a different story. Women often achieve higher levels of education than men but earn less on average and remain underrepresented in leadership roles. This systemic imbalance highlights the urgent need for action. While non-governmental organizations and research institutes, like the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory, have long advocated for change, one avenue stands out as particularly transformative: education. But not just any education—comprehensive, inclusive adult education designed to empower women as equal citizens. Education That Deconstructs Patriarchy Why focus on adult education? Traditional schooling often reinforces patriarchal norms under the guise of preserving national identity, particularly in Serbia. Orthodox Christianity, a cornerstone of this identity, has frequently been wielded to uphold "traditional values" that stifle women's progress. This dynamic came to the fore in 2021, when Serbia adopted the Law on Gender Equality. The law aimed to tackle structural inequality but quickly met resistance, particularly from the Serbian Orthodox Church, which actively campaigned against it. Today, the law remains suspended, pending a review by the Constitutional Court. For education to truly liberate, it must address these cultural and ideological barriers head-on. This means engaging with the narratives that have historically oppressed women and offering alternative interpretations. For instance, Christian theology need not be an ally of patriarchy. Feminist interpretations of Christianity emphasize personal freedom and equality, values that align with the goals of women’s emancipation. A Critical Pedagogy for the Western Balkans The method for such education lies in critical pedagogy—a theory of learning rooted in dialogue, empowerment, and social justice. Inspired by Paulo Freire’s work with marginalized populations, critical pedagogy emphasizes not just literacy in reading and writing but also in human rights, democracy, and dignity. In the Western Balkans, where patriarchal and heteronormative "family values" dominate, such an approach could be revolutionary. By teaching adults to critically analyze the cultural and religious narratives shaping their lives, we can dismantle the ideologies that perpetuate inequality. This isn't about rejecting tradition outright but about questioning who benefits from certain interpretations of tradition and whose voices have been excluded. The Role of Christianity in Feminist Pedagogy Christianity's relationship with critical pedagogy is complex. In South America, Freire’s work drew heavily on liberation theology, a movement within Christianity that aligns closely with feminist ideals of love, equality, and freedom. In North America, critical pedagogues like Henry Giroux and Peter McLaren have used similar frameworks to confront evangelical fundamentalism and promote inclusive, democratic education. In the Balkans, however, Christianity often aligns with patriarchal family values, resisting discussions on gender equality and sexual education. Yet, even in Serbia, there are theological traditions that advocate for liberation and equality. Incorporating these perspectives into adult education programs could offer a powerful counter-narrative to the dominant patriarchal discourse. Why Education Matters Education is a slow but powerful force for change. By equipping women with the tools to analyze and challenge oppressive structures, we create a ripple effect that can transform entire communities. Adult education, in particular, allows women who may have missed earlier opportunities to engage with empowering ideas and build new futures for themselves and their families. The Western Balkans is at a crossroads. As traditional values clash with modern aspirations for equality, the region must decide whether to cling to outdated ideologies or embrace a future where everyone—regardless of gender—has an equal chance to thrive. Through critical, inclusive education, we can begin to tip the scales toward the latter.

Author: MSC. Vasiljano Buba Prologue "A political leader should look back to see if the youth are following. If this is not happening, he will not be a political leader for long", said Bernard Baruch. This should serve as a wake-up call for future political leaders in Albania, where youth must become an integral part of their programs, not merely for political consumption, as is often the case, but as one of the main actors in society, serving as the driving force and reflecting the predispositions that the new generation will have in the future social structure. We will endeavor to approach the subject from a philosophical and anthropological perspective, given that the youth and their role in society are not merely a matter of predestined fate. They can shape the course of their lives not simply in a mechanical or mathematical manner, as the Stoics did[1], but as rational beings convinced that each of their steps should be the product of intellect rather than biology. Furthermore, they must be accountable for their actions or inactions in certain situations, and most importantly, they should face the consequences of their choices with dignity and pride. They should be convinced that while the outcome may not be what they desired, the only path to truth is through our mistakes. In our subconscious, when the word "youth" is mentioned, the first qualities that come to mind are dynamism, vitality, and carelessness, among other characteristics. These are not inherently negative, but we believe that these qualities are stigmatized as "bad" precisely because they are evident in a generation raised with the spirit of social caste hermetism and the suppression of Sapere Aude[2] from its inception. In reality, the youth's "battle" is not with the older generation but with themselves. The best embodiment of this idea is found in Socratic philosophy, which posits that the true struggle of a person is against selfishness and ignorance. Socrates believed that the more knowledgeable a person is, the more virtuous they become. He argued that no one is intentionally evil; rather, evil arises from ignorance[3]. This ignorance is the root of the mistaken differences perceived between generations. In reality, there should be no such divide if everyone has their defined role in society. If we examine closely the phrase "stability and change," which at first glance may seem contradictory to some, we find that the binding element between them is the word democracy. We choose democracy not because it guarantees a millennium of peace, but because it is the only dignified force where we can be fully responsible for ourselves[4]. Its fundamental importance lies in the fact that democracy allows us to remove the existing government without shedding blood, this is its most distinctive feature. In the classic antagonism between fossilized stability and the new innovations brought by the youth, countless articles and books have been written. This has often been framed as a "hostility", but this is nothing more than a cynical interpretation and a narrow-minded reading of reality. The experience of the older generation is a valuable asset that must be conserved and cultivated with the utmost respect, for the simple reason that it served as the moral and infrastructural foundation that the youth followed until they reached the maturity of their thought. Demonstrating that generational change does not mean elimination or exclusion, but rather synergy between them, ensures that a society progresses safely on the path of prosperity and maintains a healthy linear continuity. The intellectual and other synergies created by intertwining significant characteristics such as experience with dynamism undoubtedly produce admirable democratic stability. If history has taught us anything, it is that the misuse of the qualities that youth possess has led to wars and immense destruction, including in the civilized world. A retrospective examination of history reveals that before or after every war, the formation of the new generation is prioritized; this is not coincidental, but because in the reformation of society, nothing is more important than education[5]. This is due to the fact that their aforementioned qualities, when intertwined with totalitarian or non-totalitarian ideologies, cement their mentality, preparing them for the new era to come. Based on this fact, we believe that youth are capable of both destroying and building the societies to which they belong. The focus of international organizations such as the UN or the EU should not only be on supporting the youth, which has been done for years, especially in fragile and hybrid democracies like Albania, but the theoretical educational role should also be accompanied by other practical factors to ensure that the youth are immune to extreme nationalism and the ideologies of the far right or left. Aristotle's articulation is very significant; he believed that the citizen should be shaped to adapt to the form of government under which they live. Every government has a particular character that it formed at the beginning and maintains. The character of democracy creates democracy, while the character of oligarchy creates oligarchy[6]. Albania is certainly an example that illustrates this quote. The difficult years of the communist period attempted to forge a new youth without moral or religious backbone. Marx himself tried to shift from metaphysics to history by blaming, among other things, the democratic state and the capitalist system for the world's problems[7]. However, this ultimately resulted in the dramatic fall of non-democratic regimes and the mindset they sought to impose. But why do totalitarian regimes fail, while democracy, despite its issues, remains the best solution? To answer this question, we believe it is necessary to carefully analyze the analogy of the open society thesis that Popper articulates with admirable elegance in his book "The Open Society and Its Enemies". In Popper's articulation, he affirms that so-called closed societies (totalitarian systems in our case) are destined to self-destruct. He illustrates this with the biological state theory[8]. He also argued that in these societies, particularly during the dictatorship in our case, the community is everything and the individual is nothing. The opposite occurs in an open society. Individuality is not merely the opposite of community; if it were, it would be just a desperate yearning for what has been forbidden for years. Rather, it is an instrument for the liberation of knowledge and human capital, making a person not just flesh and bones, but a unique being with the ability to exploit their full potential[9]. This kind of autonomy, unlike the servitude of a closed society, has a positive impulse on the individual. By having the opportunity to choose from a diverse repertoire of options, individuals are naturally more motivated to give their best for themselves, which indirectly benefits the society they belong to[10]. The development of an ontology where a democratic, tolerant, and liberal society is preferred over an authoritarian and totalitarian one is not only a moral and ethical principle[11] but also a vital necessity for the cultural emancipation of the youth. This thesis is inextricably linked to the premise that young people need the necessary spaces and infrastructure to express their ideas and thoughts. They should not be marginalized from the rest of society, especially by political elites, under the pretext of a lack of experience or any other justification. If we aim to build an open society with values, we must first educate the new generation in the spirit of European valorization. As the author himself recounts, the book "The Open Society and Its Enemies" is a theory and defense of democracy against both new and old attacks from its adversaries[12]. We believe that the new attacks are the tendencies we touched on earlier—those movements or ideologies that seek to escalate in the opposite direction with grotesque slogans for absolute freedom or freedom without limits. Great thinkers have denied this principle because of the consequences that such freedom can bring, encapsulated in the phrase: "If I am free to do whatever I want, then I am free to take another's life". This idea has theological roots, reflected in the brilliant expression of Apostle Paul: "Everything is permissible, but not everything is beneficial". Regarding the former assaults, we contend that beyond endeavors aimed at the revival of neo-Nazi systems and the entirety of the political extreme spectrum, allusions extend to a caste of individuals who perceive the world as fraught with so many dark facets of existence within which we dwell, thereby condemning us to a purported "suffering" in a manner deemed sufficient. We posit, akin to Popper's assertion, that the dissemination of these fallacies constitutes the gravest crime of our era, for it menaces youth and endeavors to deprive them of the right to harbor hope and optimism[13], thereby stimulating, as Hegel articulated, "an anxiety that propels the creature beyond its center"[14]. Consequently, not only does a dearth of stability ensue, but democracy is also liable to converge merely in name, resembling dictatorships in essence, which may bear the label of democracy de jure but fail to embody any of its values de facto. Democracy thrives when society does likewise; this hinges not solely on the socio-economic condition but also on the approach and mindset in confronting the challenges brought forth by globalization. The dream of global unity is not novel[15]; rather, pan-European integration has been and remains a magnificent vision. The EU, which Albania aspires to integrate into, is a unique hybrid entity, neither a federal state like the United States nor an organization like the UN; it stands between them with a universal value system and a diverse array of currents. The European family should not be a utopia; integration is not merely a bureaucratic-economic process among states but much more. It encompasses the cultural, psychological, and religious spheres, among others, and this is preceded by a sound preparation in the mindset of each of us. Epilogue In conclusion, we wish to assert that the more youth are sidelined by politics and the integral societal structure, the deeper the chasm between the various realities will deepen, resulting in inevitable confrontation. Conversely, the opposite will occur, as evidenced in Western countries: if the youth become the vital cells of society, assuming their rightful role and place, this will not only guarantee stability but also strengthen democracy as a means to leave a better legacy than they found for the next generation they will bring forth. Additionally, it should not be forgotten that another benefit of this philosophy is that it would aid in consolidating a democratic tradition sorely lacking in Albania. [1] Maria K. Papathanassiou, "Stoic philosophy and modern cosmology", Hellenistic Philosphy, vol. II, Athinë, 1994, 140. [2] "Have the courage to use your own reason", the motto of the Enlightenment, which derives from Latin. [3] Θεοδόσιος Πελεγρίνης, Οι πέντε εποχές της φιλοσοφίας, (Athens: Πεδίο, 2015), 53. [4] Karl R. Popper, Mendime për Historinë dhe Politikën, (Tiranë: Plejad, 2015), 49. [5] Samuel Enoch Stumpf, Filozofia, Historia & Problemet, (Tiranë, Toena), 395. [6] Aristoteli, Politika, (Tiranë: Plejad, 2003), 204. [7] Chantal Millon-Delsol, Idetë politike në shekullin e XX-të, (Tiranë: Onufri, 2000), 12. [8] Karl Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies, (London: Routledge, 1995), 173-4. [9] Ibid, 190. [10] Joseph Raz, The Morality of Freedom, (Oxford University Press, 1986), 204. [11] Gianni Vattimo, Nihilizmi dhe Emancipimi, (Tiranë: Ipls&Dita2000), 31. [12] Popper, Mendime, 79. [13] Ibid, 117. [14] Hans-George Gadamer, Historia e Filozofisë, (Tiranë: Plejad, 2008), 288-289. [15] Anthony D. Smith, Kombet dhe Nacionalizmi në erën Globale, (Tiranë: Dudaj, 2008), 29.

Author: Vladimir Petrović I know this title sounds just like a grumpy lament, but it is not. It is an honest warning. To the best of my knowledge, all countries vanish. I know it is a difficult pill to swallow. Homo sapiens is good in many things, but dealing with finality is not our forte. Not many people think of their own death. Why bother? We all know we will die, so rubbing it in makes little sense and could actually be detrimental to whatever time we have left on this planet. We take solaces instead. Some turn to hedonism, some are convinced in afterlife. Others hope that they will leave something behind, that their families will outlive them, perhaps even cherish their memory. But whoever visited a graveyard knows that this is rarely the case. Most families disintegrate after a couple of generations, all tombstones fall into disrepair sooner or later – even the pyramids. Just remember the 1819 Ozymandias sonnet of Percy Shelley. In that respect, not much has changed. We will leave behind more or less embellished social network profiles, covered with a handful of obituaries. They will trickle and sooner or later fall into a digital dust. Percy Shelley, Ozymandias                       Stalin’s monument in Budapest If you are still with me, dear reader (and I don’t blame you if you are not), I would like to direct your attention toward a simple fact – this applies not only to individuals and families, but to entire groups of people, even collectives such as nations. Also, no matter how different we think nations are, I can assure you that late 19th century French peasant had more similarities with his Serbian contemporary then with a 21st century Frenchmen. No matter how inclined we are to think that nations are set in stone, they are actually in perpetual motion, reinviting themselves as they encounter historical and technological challenges. Those who manage, like Japanese, persist. Those who do not, fall into oblivion, like Ainu people whom they colonized. That instability applies to other human ventures too, from buildings and institutions to entire countries and even civilizations. Our elders had no doubts about that, as any reader of Polybius would know. Looking at the ruins of once might Carthage, side by side with Roman general Scipio who obliterated it so successfully that I had serious problems finding it in contemporary Tunis, he came up with his Histories.  They indicate the inevitability of rise and fall of all empires. He would probably not be surprised to hear that half a millennia later the same happened, not only to the Roman settlement which was built on the ruins of Carthage, but to Rome itself. Once might empire is reduced to a tourist destination. Est ubi gloria nunc Babylonia?, asks late medieval poet: “Where is now your glory, Babylon, where is now the terrible Nebuchadnezzar, and strong Darius and the famous Cyrus? Where is now Regulus, or where Romulus, or where Remus? The rose of yore is but a name, mere names are left to us.” This last sentence inspired Umberto Eco’s famous novel The Name of the Rose. You might choose to believe that those are some bygones, that temporary empires are more resilient, but nothing would be further from truth. Hitler’s “Thousand-year Reich” (fortunately) lasted only for twelve years, however producing an unparalleled catastrophe during its swift rise and fall. As everything speeds ups, so do the processes of spasmodic social change, of which we can read in Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and the Fall of Great Powers. Progress, which is actually our true secular religion is not assured at all as we are reminded by Ronald Wright’s short, but disturbing book on the issue. If anything, our civilization is more vulnerable than its predecessors, due to the interconnected nature of contemporary world.  Certainly, not all is lost. Even after collapse, what remains is a memory, but we all know how selective that can be, also distorted to serve the interests of the present and mostly geared to disable us to understand those simple truths. How do I know all that? Being a child of Enlightenment, disappointed but still a child, I wish I could say that I learned it from books, but the actual realization mostly came from experience. My grandmother Nada (the Hope) was born in 1912. She was a subject of the Ottoman Empire, Kingdom of Serbia, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Yugoslav kingdom, German occupied territory of Serbia, Democratic Federal Yugoslavia, Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia, Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Parting in 1997, she outlived them all. Had she lived a couple of years more, she would also see, as I did, not only the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, but also dissolution of and creation of Republic of Serbia. And all that without moving at all.   You might say, well Vlado, nothing against you and your granny, but these are just your experiences. Are you not from the Balkans? We feel for you, but what gives you the basis for those fearmongering generalizations? I wish you were right, and I admit I am prone to that but I am doing neither. Indeed, I am from the Balkans – borders there do change a lot. Actually, as of recent, according to the EU lingo, I am from Western Balkans However, I travelled extensively enough to notice an interesting regularity - whenever there is a coinage which mixes side of the world with politics, it is an unmistakable sign of troubles. Just think – Northern Cyprus, but also Northern Ireland. South Ossetia and Soth Sudan, West Bank and Western Sahara and East Timor. All regions of troubled past and uncertain future. But let’s not exoticize too much, my European friends. There also was Eastern Germany, also known as Democratic German Republic? Where is it now? Gone, annexed by Federal Republic of Germany, which retained the name but has changed completely in the process. It not only enlarged but also gave a lot of its sovereignty to European Union which over my lifetime I saw transformed from European Community, growing larger and deeper, and then territorially shrinking and structurally loosening. However, it is still in some kind of shape, especially compared to other unions I saw, such as Soviet Union, which vanished very quickly in 1991 despite the opening words of its mighty anthem which celebrated the Unbreakable Union of freeborn Republics. Its Cold War antagonist, the United States of America, emerged triumphant from this confrontation, but has soon ventured into an imperial overreach, squandering its unipolar momentum and entering its own structural crisis, announced already in 2000 by Morris Berman’s Twilight of American Culture. So, trust me, countries vanish. And this is not to spread fear, not even to sound the alarm, but rather to call for action. For they don’t vanish in the same way. Some crumble in chaos and warfare, like Yugoslavia. Some disintegrate seemingly less violently, like the USSR. But gates of hell recently opened by Putin’s Russia show that even disintegrations are not necessarily irreversible, as its deadly grasp hangs over Ukraine. Some vanish completely, like DDR, others retain the brand, like Federal Republic of Germany, but change completely, perhaps even for the better. Others, like Syria, might keep the name, but deteriorate completely from within, resembling a huge prison. Some vanish into dust, like Hitler’s Germany and imperial Japan. Others lose global supremacy and overseas possessions, wreaking havoc from India through Palestine to Cyprus, but still call themselves United Kingdom. Some dismantle their empires more discreetly, like the Netherlands, opting to focus on making profit silently. Others maintain that influence indirectly, concealing an empire under a humble name of United States of America. Yet they are all in perpetual motion, competing with each other, even progressing but actually inevitably decaying somewhere down the line. Therefore, the key question is not if an entity which we call a country, to which we feel attached to, which gives us a sense of stability and pervades our identity so much so that sometimes we are even ready to die for will disappear. It will. The question is when and how. Namely, the disappearance of the state is not necessarily a tragedy at all. After all, Nietzsche who was wrong about so many things called the state “the coldest of all cold monsters. Coldly lieth it also; and this lie creepeth from its mouth: I, the state, am the people.” And indeed, we are told that the people created the state, as a kind of a social contract, to protect themselves and create conditions to live fruitful lives in relative freedom and safety. Sometimes that is actually the case. But the horror occurs when a state starts squandering the resources of generations, turns against its own citizens and starts engulfing them, destroying physical lives in tens of thousands and damaging wellbeing of millions. That is what occurred in Yugoslavia. As I have spent most of my professional life staring at that abys, I am offering some insights of my colleagues from Institute of Contemporary History Innovation Center of in modest hope that they might help averting agonies on much larger scale. Back in the days, while chaos was engulfing my country, the West was lulled in a Fukuyamian end of history pipedream. Many were relying on dubious theories such as Golden Arch Peace, basically asserting that there will never be war between countries which have MacDonalds. Conflict situations in the Balkans, Caucuses, Central Africa were discarded as historical incidents, international courts were set in motion to address them as the rest of the world seemed to move on to posthistory, cable television entertainment, rave parties and internet. It took a shock of September 11 to announce that history is back, with all its darker sides. War is back. Diseases are back. So are the famines. Actually, none of those ever left our planet, but they were concealed from the Western eye, contained in the global south. It took global economic crisis, climate change, mass migrations and war in Europe to let the message sink in. Deep down, we all know that the clock is ticking on us. However, such prospect is so harsh that too many people simply refuse to admit it. Why is that the case? Firstly, it is about comfort. Such realization would call for action, and that action would have to include a radical change of lifestyle. That would include deprivations, which could sound outlandish – imagine if somebody ordained that flights should be reduced to essential travels, for example, or half a day of mandatory unpaid public work on Saturdays. There would probably be riots. People are happier to reduce their “suffering” to recycling and occasional donations. But deep down we know that will not do. If we don’t make use of that knowledge, and fast, posterity will judge us harshly, but rightfully as a bunch of people who could get informed about everything but to no avail.