Jana Krstic

Author: Almin Šemić Ovaj članak možete pročitati na naškom ovde. On the wall of a building near the Glass Bank in Mostar, behind the Croatian National Theatre, in Knez Domagoj Street, there is a graffiti piece shown in the cover photograph that testifies to the long-standing presence of various messages in Mostar’s public space. Photo sourced from the Bljesak.info news portal As can be observed, the wall surface had previously been used for different inscriptions, including football supporter markings and other messages, indicating that this space functions as an open surface for informal visual communication. At the centre of attention is the graffiti bearing the message “Death to Fascism, Freedom to the People,” over which the symbol of the Ustasha “U” has been drawn. This creates a direct and clear ideological contrast within the same visual field between the anti-fascist slogan and a symbol that carries an opposing historical and political meaning. Furthermore, the message represents both a contrast and a reflection of Mostar’s society, where individuals express their affiliation with one ideology or multiple ideologies through such graffiti. On the same wall, there is also the inscription “There Is a Western Mostar,” which can be interpreted as a form of narrative concerning the division of Mostar. Such messages do not function merely as individual expressions but as recurring discourses that shape perceptions of the city and its boundaries in a symbolic sense. As Joseph Goebbels once stated, “A lie repeated a hundred times becomes the truth.” Just imagine how many times such a message, along with similar messages, had to be repeated in order to become normalized. In the context of children and propaganda, within ten years, sustained propagandistic influence may result in people no longer knowing whether Mostar was an anti-fascist city. Consider also how many times the phrase “Mostar Gymnasium” had to be repeated in order to erase the name of Aleksa Šantić. On a road in the suburban Mostar settlement of Vrapčići, near Mikulića Mahala, a graffiti inscription containing a message directed at a particular ethnic group was written. The inscription was sprayed in black paint directly onto the asphalt, without any additional visual elements, suggesting a rapid and informal intervention in public space. This is characteristic of graffiti intended to communicate a message quickly and directly. Photo sourced from the Večernji list news portal According to media reports, specifically from Raport and Večernji List, the graffiti was noticed in the early morning hours, after which the case was reported to the competent authorities, who conducted an investigation. Available information further suggests that similar inscriptions had previously been recorded in this area, indicating a continuity in the use of public surfaces for messages carrying political and identity-related connotations. Unlike graffiti that relies on symbolism or indirect messages, this inscription is characterized by its explicit and unambiguous formulation. What distinguishes it from the graffiti discussed in the previous section of this article is precisely the directness and explicitness of its message, which does not rely on symbolic conflict but instead communicates its content openly and unequivocally. Whereas the previous graffiti functioned through the overlapping of signs and the creation of ideological conflict within the same visual space, this one relies on a clear verbal formulation that requires no additional interpretation. From an analytical perspective, as previously noted, the message of the graffiti is clearly directed toward a specific ethnic group, as evidenced by the wording itself. Its structure and choice of words indicate an attempt at direct communication with a clearly defined “other,” while public space is used as a channel for transmitting such a message. At the same time, although it is impossible to determine with certainty who was responsible for creating the graffiti, the manner in which it is formulated points to a pattern characteristic of anonymous actors operating outside institutional frameworks. It is precisely this anonymity that allows the message to exist without the assumption of responsibility, while its public visibility ensures the dissemination of the message without intermediaries. In this context, the graffiti may be interpreted as a form of expression that does not seek dialogue but rather a one-sided assertion of presence and attitude within a particular space. Its function is not informative but performative: it does not merely communicate content, but also establishes a particular relationship toward the space and the community in which it appears. It is also possible to identify elements of propaganda within this graffiti, although it does not operate through an organized or institutional form. The message is formulated directly and without symbolic complexity, which is one of the fundamental characteristics of propaganda: clarity and ease of understanding without the need for additional interpretation. It is directed toward a specific group and employs emotionally charged language, thereby attracting attention and potentially influencing both the perceptions and emotions of passers-by. Although the identity of the author remains unknown, the manner in which the graffiti was created suggests an attempt to transmit a particular viewpoint through public space and reinforce the presence of that narrative, placing it within the broader framework of informal and decentralized propaganda. One may therefore consider how many times such a propagandistic message would need to be repeated before it becomes perceived as reality. On the wall of a residential building in Mostar, a graffiti inscription containing multiple messages written in black and red spray paint can be observed. The upper section consists of a sentence referring to territorial expansion and a historical context, accompanied by a symbol and a year, while the lower section contains the inscription “Ustaše Mostar: Fascism Lives!”. Photo sourced from the Mostarski.ba news portal The use of different colours and the arrangement of the messages suggest that the graffiti was not created at a single moment but rather represents a layered intervention produced by multiple authors or during different stages. The inclusion of geographical references and ideological terminology indicates an attempt to symbolically define the space and connect it with particular historical interpretations. The upper section of the graffiti, referring to historical context and territorial boundaries, demonstrates an awareness of historical narratives and their role in contemporary public discourse. From the perspective of propaganda studies, this graffiti illustrates how public space can become a site of competing messages that seek to influence the perceptions of passers-by. The upper inscription employs historical references and territorial allusions to suggest a particular political and identity-based framework, relying on recognizable symbols and narratives that already possess emotional and ideological significance within Mostar. Such an approach corresponds to several basic principles of propaganda, including the simplification of messages, reliance on familiar symbols, and attempts to associate a specific space with a particular collective identity. Furthermore, repetition represents one of the fundamental mechanisms of propaganda. Through the repeated appearance of similar messages and symbols in public space, certain narratives may gradually become normalized and integrated into collective perceptions. This raises broader questions regarding institutional responses to such messages and the extent to which public authorities address their presence within the urban environment. If viewed alongside recent incidents, such as attempts to remove graffiti depicting Slobodan Praljak in Ortiješ, as well as acts involving the placement of Ustaša stickers and symbols on monuments in Baćevići, the graffiti may be interpreted within a wider pattern of symbolic and ideological contestation in public space. In the context of propaganda, the graffiti can also be understood as an affirmation of a particular ideological narrative that relies on historical references and symbols associated with the legacy of fascism. Such messages do not operate in isolation. Rather, they often build upon existing social and political tensions, particularly in communities such as Mostar, where public space continues to bear the legacy of the conflicts of the 1990s. In this sense, the graffiti may be connected to narratives emerging from the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including the conflict between Bosniaks and Croats, with symbols and messages serving as mechanisms for the reinterpretation or preservation of specific forms of collective memory. Although the territorial divisions established during the war may no longer exist in a formal sense, symbolic boundaries continue to shape public discourse and spatial perceptions within the city. The repeated appearance of ideologically charged symbols, attacks on memorial sites, and disputes over historical narratives demonstrate how public space remains a field in which competing interpretations of the past are expressed and contested. The emotional dimension of propaganda is also evident in such messages, as they seek not only to communicate information but also to provoke emotional responses and influence attitudes toward coexistence, identity, and collective belonging. On an information board located in front of a building associated with the religious and cultural institutions of the Serbian community in Mostar, specifically in front of the Bishop’s Residence, a graffiti inscription was written in purple spray paint containing the markings “1981” and “4th Corps.” Photo sourced from the Top Portal news portal These references may be linked to local identity-based and historical contexts. The number “1981” is commonly associated with the Red Army (Football club Velež Mostar) supporters’ group, while “4th Corps” refers to a formation of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina that operated in this area during the Bosnian War. The choice of location itself—an information board identifying a museum and religious site—further emphasizes the symbolic dimension of the intervention within this space. From an analytical perspective, the graffiti can be understood as a form of symbolic marking of space, through which a particular identity framework is communicated by means of brief and recognizable references. Such messages do not necessarily require explicit verbal formulations in order to be understood by the local community, as their meaning is constructed through existing social and historical references. In this context, the graffiti may function as a signal of the presence of a particular group or narrative within a given space, especially when it is displayed at a location associated with another community. Consequently, the message may be recognizable not only to members of the local community but also to a wider audience familiar with the historical and social significance of these references. Within the framework of propaganda studies, this graffiti may be viewed as a form of symbolic and identity-based territorial marking that relies not on direct statements but on recognizable signs embedded within the local context. The inscriptions “4th Corps” and “1981” evoke wartime and supporter-group symbolism, and through the combination of these references communicate a particular identity narrative. Their meaning is further shaped by the location, given that the graffiti appears on a board situated in front of a building associated with institutions of the Serbian community in Mostar, thereby giving the message a more specific and targeted dimension. In this sense, the graffiti may be interpreted as a signal of the presence of a particular social or ideological group within a space symbolically associated with another community. Similar inscriptions containing the same references have previously been documented at this and related locations, suggesting a pattern of repetition and the use of public space for the transmission of coded messages, a characteristic feature of informal forms of propagandistic communication. At first glance, the graffiti reading “KILL THE BALIJA” at the Bunica picnic site may appear to be just another act of vandalism in public space. However, its message extends beyond ordinary graffiti and enters the sphere of hate propaganda, ethnic intolerance, and symbolic violence. The location itself further amplifies the significance of the message. A natural recreational area, which should represent a space of leisure, social interaction, and escape from societal tensions, is transformed into a site of intimidation and a reminder of wartime narratives that have not completely disappeared from the public sphere of Bosnia and Herzegovina, even decades after the conflict. Photo sourced from the Blagaj Info Facebook page The message of the graffiti is direct, aggressive, and leaves little room for interpretation. The use of the term “balija,” which is employed within nationalist discourse as a derogatory label for Bosniaks, demonstrates a clear intention to dehumanize a particular ethnic group. Dehumanization has historically been one of the central elements of hate propaganda, involving the portrayal of the “other” as inferior, dangerous, or undesirable. When such language is combined with the imperative “kill,” the graffiti moves beyond hate speech and becomes an explicit call for violence. Visually, the graffiti is not artistically complex, yet its propagandistic power lies precisely in its brutal simplicity. The black lettering, roughly painted on a concrete surface, conveys a sense of urgency and raw aggression. There is no aesthetic ambition and no symbolism intended to obscure its meaning; the objective is not artistic expression but rather the dissemination of fear and the provocation of a reaction. Graffiti of this kind often functions as a territorial marker, representing an attempt to symbolically claim space through a nationalist message. It is particularly important to consider the context of Mostar and Herzegovina, regions that continue to bear the legacy of wartime divisions. Within such an environment, graffiti can serve as a means of prolonging conflict in symbolic form. Their impact extends beyond the individual reader, influencing the broader social atmosphere by creating feelings of insecurity and reinforcing distrust between communities. In this case, the propaganda does not seek to persuade through rational argumentation but through emotions, primarily hatred, fear, and anger. Such graffiti also performs a function of normalizing extremist discourse. When messages that advocate violence remain visible in public space for extended periods without a response from institutions or the wider community, they may create the impression of social tolerance toward such expressions. In this way, the graffiti becomes more than an isolated incident; it becomes part of a broader culture of silence and passivity regarding nationalist violence. From a propaganda perspective, the graffiti employs several key mechanisms: simplification of the message, identification of an “enemy,” emotional manipulation, and public visibility. For this reason, its influence can be particularly significant among younger generations who grow up surrounded by symbols of division. Rather than encouraging dialogue and shared public space, messages of this kind contribute to an atmosphere of conflict and serve as a reminder that public space in Bosnia and Herzegovina continues to function as a site of political and identity-based struggle.

Autor: Almin Šemić Na zidu zgrade u blizini Staklene banke u Mostaru, iza Hrvatskog narodnog kazališta, u ulici Kneza Domagoja, nalazi se grafit iz naslovne fotografije koji svjedoči o dugotrajnoj prisutnosti različitih poruka u javnom prostoru Mostara. Fotografija preuzeta sa portala Bljesak.info Kako uočavamo, površina zida već je ranije korištena za ispisivanje raznih natpisa, uključujući navijačke oznake i druge poruke, što ukazuje na to da ovaj prostor funkcionira kao otvorena površina za neformalnu vizualnu komunikaciju. U središtu pažnje nalazi se grafit sa porukom „Smrt fašizmu, sloboda narodu“, preko koje je iscrtana simbolika ustaškog U. Time se unutar istog vizualnog polja uspostavlja direktan i jasan ideološki kontrast između antifašističke parole i simbola koji nosi suprotno historijsko i političko značenje. Osim toga, poruka je svojevrsni kontrast ali i ogledalo mostarskog društva, koje putem ovakvih grafita, izražavaju pripadnost jednoj ideologiji ili ideologijama. Na istom zidu nalazi se i natpis „Postoji zapadni Mostar“, koji se može čitati kao oblik narativa o podijeljenosti Mostara. Ovakve poruke ne funkcionišu samo kao individualni izrazi, već kao ponavljajući diskursi koji oblikuju percepciju grada i njegovih granica u simboličkom smislu. Kako i Joseph Goebbels kaže “svaka laž ponovljena stotinu puta, postaje istina”. Zamislite samo, koliko se puta morala ponoviti ovakva poruka kao i njoj slične poruke da postane normalna. U kontekstu djece i propagande, za desetak godina, propagandnim djelovanjem se više neće znati ni je li Mostar bio antifašistički grad. Zamislite i koliko se puta morala ponoviti začkoljica Gimnazija Mostar, kako bi se iskorijenilo ime Alekse Šantića. Na cesti u mostarskom prigradskom naselju Vrapčići, u blizini Mikulića mahale ispisan je grafit koji sadrži poruku usmjerenu prema jednoj etničkoj grupi. Natpis je napisan crnim sprejem direktno na asfaltu, bez dodatnih vizualnih elemenata, što upućuje na brzu neformalnu intervenciju u javnom prostoru. Kao što je to slučaj i kod svakog grafita kojim se želi nešto brzo poručiti. Fotografija preuzeta sa portala Večernji list Prema medijskim navodima, konkretno Raporta i Večernjeg lista, grafit je primijećen u jutarnjim satima, nakon čega je slučaj prijavljen nadležnim institucijama koje su izvršile uviđaj. Iz dostupnih informacija proizlazi da su slični natpisi i ranije zabilježeni na ovom području, što ukazuje na kontinuitet korištenja javnih površina za ispisivanje poruka sa političkim i identitetskim konotacijama. Za razliku od grafita koji koriste simboliku ili indirektne poruke, ovaj natpis karakterizira eksplicitna i nedvosmislena formulacija. Ono što ga razdvaja od grafita iz prethodne analize jeste direktnost i eksplicitnost poruke, koja ne koristi simbolički sukob već otvoreno i nedvosmisleno komunicira sadržaj. Dok je prethodni grafit funkcionirao kroz preklapanje znakova i stvaranje ideološkog konflikta unutar istog vizualnog prostora, ovaj se oslanja na jasnu verbalnu formulaciju bez potrebe za dodatnim tumačenjem. U analitičkom smislu, kao što smo već pomenuli, poruka grafita je jasno usmjerena prema konkretnoj etničkoj grupi, što proizlazi iz same formulacije teksta. Njena struktura i izbor riječi ukazuju na pokušaj direktne komunikacije sa jasno definiranim drugim i drugačijim, pri čemu se javni prostor koristi kao kanal za prenošenje takve poruke. Istovremeno, iako nije moguće sa sigurnošću utvrditi tko stoji iza ispisivanja grafita, način na koji je formuliran upućuje na obrazac karakterističan za anonimne aktere koji djeluju izvan institucionalnih okvira. Upravo ta anonimnost omogućava poruci da postoji bez preuzimanja bilo kakve odgovornosti, dok njena javna vidljivost osigurava širenje poruke bez posrednika. U navedenom kontekstu, grafit se može interpretirati kao oblik poruke koja ne teži dijalogu već jednostranom iskazu prisutnosti i stava u prostoru. Da prostite, kao kad lav izmokri teritoriju da je označi, tako slično možemo posmatrati i ovaj grafit. Njegova funkcija nije informativna, već performativna, on ne samo da prenosi sadržaj, nego i uspostavlja određeni odnos prema prostoru i zajednici u kojoj se pojavljuje. U ovom grafitu moguće je prepoznati i elemente propagandnog djelovanja, iako on ne djeluje kroz organiziranu ili institucionalnu formu. Poruka je formulirana direktno i bez simboličke složenosti, što je jedna od osnovnih karakteristika propagande, jasnoća i lakoća razumijevanja bez potrebe za dodatnim tumačenjem. Usmjerena je prema konkretnoj grupi i koristi snažan, emocionalno nabijen jezik čime se postiže efekt privlačenja pažnje i potencijalnog uticaja na percepciju prolaznika, ali i na samu emociju. Iako nije poznato tko stoji iza pisanja ovakvog grafita, način na koji je izvedena ukazuje na pokušaj da se kroz javni prostor prenese određeni stav i učvrsti prisutnost tog narativa, što grafit svrstava u širi okvir neformalne, decentralizirane propagande. A zamislite samo, koliko se puta ovakva propagandna poruka morala ponoviti da bi postala stvarnost. Na zidu stambene zgrade u Mostaru, ispisan je grafit koji sadrži više poruka pisanih crnim i crvenim sprejem. Gornji dio čini rečenica koja referira na teritorijalno širenje i historijski kontekst, uz dodatak simbola i godine, dok se u donjem dijelu nalazi natpis “Ustaše Mostar: fašizam živi!”. Fotografija preuzeta sa portala Mostarski.ba Različite boje i raspored sugeriraju da grafit nije nastao u jednom trenutku, već kao slojevita intervencija više autora ili u različitim fazama. Svakako da, spominjanje geografskih referenci i ideoloških termina ukazuje na pokušaj da se prostor simbolički definira i poveže sa određenim historijskim interpretacijama. Gornji dio grafita, onaj o povijenom kontekstu odnosno granicama, jasno prikazuje svijest okoline o proučavanju povijesti. Sto puta ponovljena laž je istina, a upravo tim putem se nastoji ići kroz pisanje ovakvih grafita, alaudirajući da je NDH tekovina još uvijek prisutna u Mostaru. Ona ista NDH koja svojata granice do Drine i zaziva crna odijela. Ako posmatramo kroz prizmu propagande, ovaj grafit pokazuje kako javni prostor može postati mjesto konkurentskih poruka koje nastoje oblikovati percepciju prolaznika. Gornji natpis koristi povijesne reference i teritorijalne aluzije kako bi sugerirao određeni politički i identitetski okvir, oslanjajući se na prepoznatljive simbole i narative koji već imaju emocionalno i ideološko značenje u Mostaru. Takav pristup odgovara osnovnim principima propagande, pojednostavljivanje poruke, oslanjanje na poznate simbole i pokušaj povezivanja prostora sa određenim kolektivnim identitetom. Nadalje, jedan od osnovnih principa propagande jest ponavljanje poruke, u ovom primjeru, poruke fašizma koja zapravo i već dugo odzvanja Mostarom. Pitanje ostaje, kako ovakve poruke ne bude akciju u predstavnicima vlasti u Mostaru? Da li su i oni taoci ovakvih politika? Ukoliko posmatramo nedavni pokušaj brisanja grafita Slobodana Praljka iz naselja Ortiješ, te upade u mjesto Baćevići gdje živi pretežno srpsko stanovništvo (slučaj lijepljenja ustaških stikera i pisanje ustaških simbola na spomeniku NOBa), onda dolazimo do svjesnog propagandnog djelovanja koje svoje utemeljenje pronalazi duboko u prošlosti. U kontekstu propagande, ovaj grafit može se i interpretirati kao oblik afirmacije ideološkog narativa koji se oslanja na historijske reference i simbole povezane s fašističkim nasljeđem. Odnosno, prihvatanje jedne ideologije. Takve poruke ne djeluju izolirano, već se često nadovezuju na postojeće društvene i političke tenzije, posebno u sredinama poput Mostara gdje je javni prostor i dalje obilježen posljedicama ratnih sukoba iz 1990ih. U tom smislu, grafit se može povezati s narativima koji proizlaze iz rata u Bosni i Hercegovini, uključujući i sukobe između Bošnjaka i Hrvata, pri čemu simboli i poruke služe kao način reinterpretacije ili održavanja određenih kolektivnih sjećanja. Drugim riječima, ratne granice su možda i pobrisane, no one teritorijalne nisu. Danas se u Mostaru fašizam slavi kao Nova godina. Svjedočili smo skrnavljenju Partizanskog spomen groblja i lupanju ploča. Osim toga, prisutan je i emocionalni princip djelovanja, pogotovo u dijelu suživota, gdje se emocionalnim putem nastoji postići akcija. Na informativnoj tabli ispred objekta povezanog sa vjerskim i kulturnim institucijama srpske zajednice u Mostaru, točnije ispred Vladičanskog dvora, ispisan je grafit ljubičastim sprejem koji uključuje oznake “1981” i “4. Korpus”. Fotografija preuzeta sa portala Top Portal Ove reference mogu se dovesti u vezu sa lokalnim identitetskim i historijskim kontekstom, “1981” se često povezuje sa navijačkom grupom Red Army, dok “4. Korpus” upućuje na formaciju Armije BiH koja je djelovala na ovom području tokom rata u Bosni i Hercegovini. Sam izbor lokacije, tabla koja označava muzej i vjerski objekt, dodatno naglašava simboličku dimenziju intervencije u ovom prostoru. U analitičkom smislu, grafit se može posmatrati kao oblik simboličkog označavanja prostora, gdje se kroz kratke i prepoznatljive oznake prenosi određeni identitetski okvir. Takve poruke ne moraju nužno imati eksplicitnu verbalnu formulaciju da bi bile razumljive lokalnoj zajednici, jer se njihovo značenje gradi kroz postojeće društvene i historijske reference. U tom kontekstu, grafit može djelovati kao signal prisutnosti jedne grupe ili narativa u prostoru, posebno kada je ispisan na mjestu koje se povezuje s drugom zajednicom. Dakle, poruka može biti poznata samo lokalnoj ili široj zajednici, a u ovom kontekstu poznata je i široj i lokalnoj zajednici. U okviru propagande, ovaj grafit može se posmatrati kao oblik simboličkog i identitetskog označavanja prostora, koji ne koristi direktne poruke, već prepoznatljive oznake unutar lokalnog konteksta. Natpisi “4. Korpus” i “1981” upućuju na ratnu i navijačku simboliku, čime se kroz kombinaciju tih referenci prenosi određeni identitetski okvir. Njegovo značenje dodatno se oblikuje kroz lokaciju, s obzirom na to da je ispisan na tabli ispred objekta povezanog s institucijama srpske zajednice u Mostar, čime poruka dobija konkretnu ciljanu dimenziju. U tom smislu, grafit se može interpretirati kao signal prisutnosti jedne društvene ili ideološke skupine u prostoru koji se simbolički povezuje s drugom. Slični natpisi sa istim oznakama već su ranije zabilježeni na ovom i srodnim lokalitetima, što ukazuje na obrazac ponavljanja i korištenja javnog prostora za prenošenje kodiranih poruka, karakterističan za neformalne oblike propagandnog djelovanja. Na prvi pogled, grafit “UBIJ BALIJU” na izletištu u Bunica djeluje kao još jedan čin vandalizma u javnom prostoru. Međutim, njegova poruka prevazilazi obični grafit i ulazi u sferu propagande mržnje, etničke netrpeljivosti i simboličkog nasilja. Sama lokacija dodatno pojačava težinu poruke – prirodno izletište koje bi trebalo predstavljati prostor odmora, zajedništva i bijega od društvenih tenzija pretvara se u mjesto zastrašivanja i podsjećanja na ratne narative koji ni decenijama nakon sukoba nisu u potpunosti nestali iz javnog prostora Bosne i Hercegovine. Fotografija preuzeta sa Facebook stranice Blagaj Info Poruka grafita je direktna, agresivna i ne ostavlja prostor za interpretaciju. Korištenje riječi “balija”, koja se u nacionalističkom diskursu koristi kao pogrdan naziv za Bošnjake, pokazuje jasnu namjeru dehumanizacije određene etničke skupine. Upravo je dehumanizacija jedan od ključnih elemenata propagande mržnje kroz historiju – stvaranje slike “drugog” kao manje vrijednog, opasnog ili nepoželjnog. Kada se takva poruka spoji s imperativom “ubij”, grafit prelazi iz govora mržnje u otvoreni poziv na nasilje. Vizualno, grafit nije umjetnički kompleksan, ali njegova propagandna snaga leži upravo u brutalnoj jednostavnosti. Crna boja slova, grubo ispisana na betonskoj površini, ostavlja dojam hitnosti i sirove agresije. Nema estetske ambicije, nema simbolike koja bi prikrivala značenje – cilj nije umjetnički izraz nego širenje straha i provociranje reakcije. Takvi grafiti često služe kao teritorijalne oznake, odnosno pokušaj simboličkog “prisvajanja” prostora kroz nacionalističku poruku. Posebno je značajno analizirati kontekst Mostara i Hercegovine, prostora koji i dalje nose snažno naslijeđe ratnih podjela. U takvom ambijentu grafiti postaju sredstvo produžavanja konflikta u simboličkoj formi. Oni ne djeluju samo na pojedinca koji ih pročita, već utiču i na kolektivnu atmosferu, stvarajući osjećaj nesigurnosti i produbljujući nepovjerenje među zajednicama. Propaganda u ovom slučaju ne pokušava uvjeriti argumentima, nego emocijama – prvenstveno mržnjom, strahom i bijesom. Ovakvi grafiti također imaju funkciju normalizacije ekstremnog govora. Kada poruke koje pozivaju na nasilje ostaju dugo prisutne u javnom prostoru bez reakcije institucija ili zajednice, stvara se utisak društvene tolerancije prema njima. Time grafit postaje više od pojedinačnog ispada; on postaje dio šire kulture šutnje i pasivnosti prema nacionalističkom nasilju. U propagandnom smislu, grafit koristi nekoliko ključnih mehanizama: pojednostavljivanje poruke, identifikaciju “neprijatelja”, emocionalnu manipulaciju i javnu vidljivost. Upravo zbog toga njegov uticaj može biti snažan, posebno među mlađim generacijama koje svakodnevno odrastaju okružene simbolima podjela. Umjesto dijaloga i zajedničkog prostora, ovakve poruke proizvode atmosferu konflikta i podsjećaju koliko je javni prostor u Bosni i Hercegovini i dalje mjesto političke i identitetske borbe.

Ovde pročitajte ovaj članak na naškom jeziku. What happens when young artists are given the space to speak? The Puzzle, a collective exhibition organized by the Underground Initiative, offers one possible answer. Open from June 15 to June 26 at the European House in Niš, the exhibition brings together diverse artistic expressions that explore identity, climate justice, memory, and belonging, while reminding us why independent cultural spaces remain essential for young people and their communities. This exhibition was created in 2026 as a collective cry of Niš youth. It is called The Puzzle because each of us contributed a small piece of ourselves, and somehow those pieces came together into a larger story. There was no common theme, no agreed form, and no attempt to create a unified artistic vision. Each artist followed their own voice, choosing their own medium, symbols, and message. Yet when the works were brought together, we realized they were speaking to one another. Through illustrations, graphic design, oil paintings, and photography, visitors will encounter stories that may initially seem unrelated. But a closer look reveals recurring questions and shared concerns. The exhibition reflects a longing for climate justice through depiction of environmental destruction, endangered animals, and the tension between nature and the colourless aesthetics of contemporary life. It explores identity through music, memory, archetypes, the beauty of the human body, and symbols of home, belonging, and southern Serbia. The Puzzle is more than an exhibition. It is a space where young creators search for meaning, connection, and ways of understanding the world around them. It is also a reminder that art remains one of the most powerful languages through which young people express their hopes, fears, and visions for the future. Organized by the Underground Initiative with the support of the Critical Education Centre and the European House in Niš, the exhibition brings together emerging artists from Niš and invites visitors not only to look at the artworks, but to listen to what they are trying to say. At a time when cultural spaces are increasingly inaccessible to those at the beginning of their artistic journeys, initiatives such as Underground seek to open doors rather than close them. We believe that young people need places where they can exhibit their work, exchange ideas, challenge dominant narratives, and develop their voices without having to wait for institutional recognition. Whether through exhibitions, concerts, festivals, independent media, or public discussions, these spaces allow new generations to participate in shaping the cultural and social life of their communities. This is also why Underground exists alongside initiatives such as Balkan Talks. While one creates room for artistic expression and the other for critical dialogue, both are driven by the same conviction: that young people deserve platforms where they can think, question, imagine, and create. Critique does not belong to a single form. It can be found in an article, a photograph, a song, a painting, a performance, or a conversation. Art and critical thought are not separate spheres; they are often different languages through which we respond to the same social realities. We therefore invite you not only to visit this exhibition, but also to support the initiatives that make spaces like this possible. Support young artists. Support independent culture. Support platforms that encourage critical thinking, creativity, and dialogue. And if you want to experience even more of the creativity, energy, and critical spirit of Niš youth, join us at this year's Underground Festival, taking place from October 1–4 at the Niš Cultural Center. Follow Underground and kriti.cko on Instagram, stay connected, and become part of a community that believes culture is not something we simply consume - it is something we create together. We are the young creators of this city. We invite you to listen to our images. Here you can see the whole exhibition.

Šta se dešava kada mladim umetnicama i umetnicima damo prostor da govore? „Puzla“, kolektivna izložba u organizaciji Underground inicijative, nudi jedan mogući odgovor. Otvorena od 15. do 26. juna u Evropskoj kući u Nišu, izložba okuplja različite umetničke izraze koji istražuju identitet, klimatsku pravdu, sećanje i pripadnost, podsećajući nas zašto su nezavisni kulturni prostori važni za mlade i njihove zajednice. Postavka koju vidite pred sobom nastala je 2026. godine kao svojevrstan vapaj niške omladine. Zove se „Puzla“ zato što je svako od nas u nju ugradio delić sebe, a onda su se ti delići, naizgled slučajno, spojili u jednu veću priču. Nismo imali zajedničku temu, dogovorenu formu niti unapred definisanu umetničku viziju. Svaka autorka i svaki autor pratili su sopstveni glas, birajući medij, simbole i poruku kojima će se izraziti. Ipak, kada su se radovi našli na jednom mestu, shvatili smo da međusobno razgovaraju. Kroz ilustracije, grafički dizajn, ulja na platnu i fotografije, posetioci će se susresti sa pričama koje na prvi pogled možda deluju nepovezano. Međutim, pažljiviji pogled otkriva zajednička pitanja i brige. Izložba svedoči o težnji za klimatskom pravdom kroz prikaze uništavanja prirode, ugroženih životinja i napetosti između prirodnog sveta i bezbojne estetike savremenog života. Ona istražuje identitet kroz muziku, sećanja, arhetipove, lepotu ljudskog tela i simbole doma, pripadanja i juga Srbije. „Puzla“ je više od izložbe. Ona je prostor u kojem mladi stvaraoci tragaju za smislom, povezanošću i načinima da razumeju svet oko sebe. Istovremeno, ona nas podseća da umetnost ostaje jedan od najmoćnijih jezika kojima mladi izražavaju svoje nade, strahove i vizije budućnosti. Izložbu organizuje Underground inicijativa uz podršku Centra za kritičko obrazovanje i Evropske kuće u Nišu. Ona okuplja mlade i neafirmisane umetnice i umetnike iz Niša i poziva posetioce ne samo da pogledaju radove, već i da oslušnu šta oni imaju da im poruče. U vremenu kada su kulturni prostori sve manje dostupni onima koji tek započinju svoje umetničke puteve, inicijative poput Undergrounda nastoje da otvaraju vrata umesto da ih zatvaraju. Verujemo da su mladima potrebna mesta na kojima mogu da izlažu svoje radove, razmenjuju ideje, preispituju dominantne narative i razvijaju sopstvene glasove bez čekanja na institucionalno priznanje. Bilo kroz izložbe, koncerte, festivale, nezavisne medije ili javne razgovore, ovakvi prostori omogućavaju novim generacijama da učestvuju u oblikovanju kulturnog i društvenog života svojih zajednica. Zato Underground postoji zajedno sa inicijativama poput Balkan Talks-a. Dok jedan stvara prostor za umetničko izražavanje, a drugi za kritički dijalog, oba počivaju na istom uverenju – da mladi zaslužuju platforme na kojima mogu da misle, preispituju, zamišljaju i stvaraju. Kritika ne pripada samo jednom obliku izražavanja. Ona može biti sadržana u tekstu, fotografiji, pesmi, slici, performansu ili razgovoru. Umetnost i kritička misao nisu odvojene sfere; često su samo različiti jezici kojima odgovaramo na iste društvene stvarnosti. Zato vas pozivamo ne samo da posetite ovu izložbu, već i da podržite inicijative koje ovakve prostore čine mogućim. Podržite mlade umetnice i umetnike. Podržite nezavisnu kulturu. Podržite platforme koje podstiču kritičko mišljenje, kreativnost i dijalog. A ukoliko želite da doživite još više kreativnosti, energije i kritičkog duha niške omladine, pridružite nam se na ovogodišnjem Underground festivalu, koji će biti održan od 1. do 4. oktobra u Niškom kulturnom centru. Zapratite Underground i kriti.cko na Instagramu, ostanite u toku i postanite deo zajednice koja veruje da kultura nije nešto što samo konzumiramo – kultura je nešto što zajedno stvaramo. Mi smo mlade stvarateljke i mladi stvaraoci ovog grada. Pozivamo vas da slušate naše slike. Ovde možete videti celu izložbu.

Autorka: mr Mirjana Popović, sociološkinja Vršnjačko nasilje predstavlja jedan od najozbiljnijih izazova sa kojima se suočava savremeno crnogorsko društvo. Iako se nasilje među djecom i adolescentima dešava u svim zemljama, posebne društvene, kulturne i institucionalne okolnosti u Crnoj Gori čine ovaj problem naročito izraženim i zabrinjavajućim. Posljedice vršnjačkog nasilja nijesu ograničene samo na žrtve, već dugoročno utiču na čitavo društvo kroz reprodukciju agresivnih obrazaca ponašanja, porast mentalnih problema i urušavanje osnovnih vrijednosti kao što su empatija, solidarnost i poštovanje. Prvo i najvidljivije jeste to što broj slučajeva vršnjačkog nasilja u Crnoj Gori raste, a oblici nasilja postaju sve brutalniji. Djeca su danas izložena ne samo fizičkom i verbalnom nasilju, već i psihološkom zlostavljanju, izolaciji, ponižavanju, a sve češće i digitalnom nasilju putem društvenih mreža i poruka. Za razliku od prethodnih generacija, današnje nasilje se ne završava izlaskom iz školskog dvorišta – ono se nastavlja u online prostoru, često u još surovijem obliku. Nažalost, institucionalni odgovor na ove pojave do sada nije bio dovoljno efikasan. Iako postoje zakoni, protokoli i stručne službe, njihova primjena u praksi je ograničena. Škole, koje bi trebale biti bezbjedna okruženja za razvoj djece, često izbjegavaju prijavljivanje nasilja da ne bi narušile sopstvenu reputaciju. Roditelji, s druge strane, ponekad negiraju ili umanjuju ozbiljnost problema, prebacujući odgovornost jedni na druge ili na sistem. Ovakva atmosfera nesigurnosti i ćutanja dodatno pogoršava situaciju i šalje poruku djeci da su prepuštena sama sebi. Djeca se tako, na žalost i osjećaju. Društveni kultirni kontekst u Crnoj Gori dodatno komplikuje borbu protiv nasilja. Dugogodišnje nasljeđe patrijarhalnih vrijednosti, prisustvo agresije u javnom govoru i medijima, kao i niska tolerancija na različitost, doprinose tome da se nasilno ponašanje često toleriše, pa čak i opravdava. Djeca uče iz onoga što vide u porodici, zajednici i medijima, djeca uče po modelu i ako vide da se sukobi rješavaju silom, nasiljem vrlo lako usvajaju taj model ponašanja. Posebno zabrinjavajuće su posljedice po mentalno zdravlje mladih. Žrtve nasilja često pate od anksioznosti, depresije, nesanice, pada samopouzdanja, pa čak i suicidalnih misli. Na emocionalnom nivou, žrtve često osjećaju strah, sramotu, stid, bespomoćnost i usamljenost. Samopouzdanje im se urušava, manje vjeruju u sebe i druge osobe. U školskom kontekstu, žrtve počinju da izbjegavaju nastavu, školski uspjeh im slabi, a neki potpuno izlaze iz školskog sistema, što samo po sebi otvara niz društvenih i ličnih izazova. Sve ovo ukazuje na ozbiljnost posljedica koje vršnjačko nasilje može izazvati ako se ne reaguje adekvatno i na vrijeme. Ali, ni nasilnici ne izlaze neozlijeđeni iz ovog odnosa oni često nose emocionalne traume, osjećaj krivice ili kasnije ulaze u konflikte sa zakonom. Sve to utiče na stvaranje generacija koje su emocionalno nestabilne i društveno disfunkcionalne. Čini mi se da mi kao društvo, naročito naležne institucije nemaju u vidu ovako definisanu širu sliku društvenih odnosa, pa na žalost donose kratkoročna, nedovoljno funkcionalna, populistička rješenja koja ne zahvataju suštinu ove problematike. U školama i opšte u društvenoj zajednici još uvijek nedostaje sistemska i kontinuirana prevencija. Nedostaje međusektorska saradnja, a i onda kada se proces rješavanja započne ukupna intervencija ostane na nivou pukog formalizma. Programi koji podstiču razvoj emocionalne inteligencije, empatije, nenasilne komunikacije i rješavanja sukoba su rijetki ili neobavezni. Time se propušta šansa da se problemi spriječe u korijenu, prije nego što izmaknu kontroli. Nacionalni okvir borbe protiv vršnjačkog nasilja bi trebao da bude baziran na jasnoj strategiji ukupnog društva. Međutim, nije dovoljno samo kreirati i usvojiti nacionalne strategije različitog tipa, prateće akcione planove, ključ uspjeha leži u efektivnoj implementaciji. Da bi se ostvarili ciljevi borbe protiv vršnjačkog nasilja neophodno je da redovno prikupljamo i analizamo podataka o ovoj pojavi. Na žalost mi kao društvo ukupno posmatramo nemamo uvid u činjenicu koliko su baze, registri, statistički podaci, statističke, sociološke, antropološke analize značajne u borbi protiv ove društvene devijacije, ali i u borbi i sagledavanju dinamike, oblika, učestalosti javljanja svake druge društvene pojave. Nadležne institucije naročito obrazovni sistem, socijalna i dječja zaštita, kao i sistem zdravstva trebaju kontinuirano i planski raditi na obrazovanju kadra. Naravno vrlo je važno da gradimo institucije koje su odgovorne i transparentne koje služe javnom interesu, građaninu, njegovim potrebama i interesima. Pored toga što škola odnosno obrazovni sistem mora postaviti jasna pravila i procedure smatram da je ključ u preventivnom djelovanju, uključivanju  roditelja kako bi se stvorio jedinstven pristup i podrška i u školskom i u porodičnom okruženju., kao i u uspostavljanju odnosa poverenja između učenika i nastavnika. Djeca će lakše prijaviti nasilje ako znaju da će biti shvaćena, zaštićena i da ih njihova prijava neće dovesti do dodatnog ugrožavanja. Zbog toga je važno da nastavnici, stručni saradnici i drugi zaposleni budu obučeni da prepoznaju znakove nasilja i da adekvatno reaguju. Borba protiv vršnjačkog nasilja je proces koji zahtjeva posvećenost, znanje i zajednički rad svih aktera u obrazovanju. Škola treba biti mjesto gde se učenici osećaju sigurno, prihvaćeno i poštovano. Prevencija, edukacija, podrška i odlučna reakcija na nasilje stvaraju temelje za zdravu i empatičnu zajednicu. Kroz proaktivan pristup i njegovanje pozitivne školske klime, škola ne samo da suzbija nasilje, već i obrazuje odgovorne i saosjećajne građane budućnosti. U poslednjim godinama Crna Gora je uvela niz strateških mjera i programa u borbi protiv vršnjačkog nasilja. Angažovani su asistenti za bezbjednost u školama, sprovedeni međunarodni projekti sa Savjetom Evrope, razvijeni protokoli, organizovane radionice i obuke za nastavnike. Ipak, uprkos svim tim naporima, broj prijavljenih slučajeva nasilja raste. Što je i pozitivan pomak u smislu da zahvaljujući većoj informisanosti, edukaciji i podršci, sve više učenika i nastavnika odlučuje da nasilje prijavi. Međutim, trebamo biti svjesni da žrtve ćute, neke škole izbegavaju da priznaju problem, a roditelji često nijesu ni svjesni šta se dešava sa njihovom djecom. Iako promjene postoje, sistem se mijenja sporo. Potrebna su dugoročna ulaganja, kontinuirana evaluacija programa i lokalna prilagođenost. Škole nijesu iste u svakom gradu, niti sva djeca imaju iste potrebe. Ono što funkcioniše u jednoj sredini, može biti neefikasno u drugoj. Uspostavljanje standarda je početak, ali bez svakodnevne primjene, obuke i izgrađenog povjerenja između škole, učenika i roditelja, promjene ostaju ograničene. Vršnjačko nasilje u Crnoj Gori nije izolovani problem pojedinca, škole ili jedne porodice. Na osnovu trenutne situacije kada je u pitanju učestalost, intezitet, oblici vršnjačkog naslja  kroz ovaj fenomen se u stvari ogleda ukupan društveni sistem. U skladu sa tim, borba protiv ovog problema zahtijeva zajednički napor svih: škole, roditelja, institucija, medija i samih učenika. Samo društvo koje prepoznaje važnost mentalnog zdravlja, tolerancije i nenasilja može ići ka razvoju, napretku i održivosti.

Author: Mirjana Popović, Sociologist Ovaj članak možete pročitati na crnogorskom ovde. Peer violence is one of the most serious challenges facing contemporary Montenegrin society. While violence among children and adolescents exists in every country, specific social, cultural, and institutional circumstances in Montenegro make this issue particularly pronounced and concerning. The consequences of peer violence extend far beyond the immediate victims, affecting society as a whole through the reproduction of aggressive behavioral patterns, the deterioration of mental health, and the erosion of fundamental values such as empathy, solidarity, and respect. Illustration photo. Retrieved from Pexels (www.pexels.com) The most visible indicator of the problem is the growing number of cases of peer violence and the increasingly severe forms it takes. Today’s children are exposed not only to physical and verbal abuse but also to psychological harassment, social exclusion, humiliation, and, increasingly, cyberbullying through social media and digital communication. Unlike previous generations, violence no longer ends when children leave the schoolyard—it often continues online, sometimes in even more harmful and relentless forms. Unfortunately, institutional responses have not been sufficiently effective. Although laws, protocols, and professional support services exist, their implementation remains limited. Schools, which should provide safe environments for children’s development, often avoid reporting incidents of violence in order to protect their reputation. Parents, meanwhile, sometimes deny or minimize the seriousness of the problem, shifting responsibility onto one another or onto the system itself. This atmosphere of uncertainty and silence further aggravates the situation and sends a message to children that they are largely left to cope on their own. Sadly, many children feel exactly that way. The broader social and cultural context in Montenegro further complicates efforts to combat violence. The long-standing legacy of patriarchal values, the prevalence of aggressive rhetoric in public discourse and the media, and a low tolerance for difference all contribute to an environment in which violent behavior is often tolerated or even justified. Children learn by observing those around them. If they see conflicts being resolved through force and aggression, they are likely to adopt the same behavioral patterns. Particularly alarming are the consequences for young people’s mental health. Victims of bullying frequently experience anxiety, depression, insomnia, diminished self-esteem, and, in some cases, suicidal thoughts. Emotionally, they often struggle with fear, shame, helplessness, and loneliness. Their confidence deteriorates, and they lose trust in both themselves and others. In the educational context, victims may begin avoiding school, experience declining academic performance, or even leave the education system altogether, creating additional personal and social challenges. All of this underscores the seriousness of the consequences that peer violence can have when it is not addressed adequately and in a timely manner. However, perpetrators are not unaffected by these dynamics either. Many carry emotional trauma, feelings of guilt, or later become involved in conflicts with the law. This contributes to the emergence of generations that are emotionally unstable and socially dysfunctional. It often seems that, as a society—and particularly within the institutions responsible for addressing these issues—we fail to recognize this broader picture of social relations. As a result, responses are frequently short-term, ineffective, and populist, failing to address the root causes of the problem. Both schools and the wider community continue to lack systematic and continuous prevention efforts. Intersectoral cooperation remains insufficient, and even when intervention processes are initiated, they often remain largely formalistic. Programs aimed at developing emotional intelligence, empathy, nonviolent communication, and conflict-resolution skills are either rare or optional. Consequently, opportunities to prevent problems before they escalate are frequently missed. A national framework for combating peer violence should be grounded in a clear and comprehensive societal strategy. However, creating and adopting national strategies and accompanying action plans is not enough; success depends on effective implementation. Achieving meaningful progress requires the regular collection and analysis of data on peer violence. Unfortunately, as a society, we still underestimate the importance of databases, registries, statistical records, and sociological and anthropological analyses in addressing this social problem and understanding its dynamics, forms, and prevalence. Relevant institutions—particularly those within education, social and child protection, and healthcare—must continuously invest in professional training and capacity-building. Equally important is the development of accountable and transparent institutions that genuinely serve the public interest and respond to citizens’ needs. While schools and the education system must establish clear rules and procedures, prevention remains the key. Parents must be actively involved in order to create a unified approach and consistent support in both school and family environments. Equally important is fostering relationships of trust between students and teachers. Children are far more likely to report violence when they know they will be heard, protected, and not exposed to further risk as a result of speaking out. This is why teachers, school counselors, and other staff members must be trained to recognize the signs of violence and respond appropriately. Combating peer violence is a long-term process that requires commitment, expertise, and cooperation among all stakeholders in education. Schools should be places where students feel safe, accepted, and respected. Prevention, education, support, and decisive responses to violence form the foundation of a healthy and empathetic community. Through a proactive approach and the cultivation of a positive school climate, schools can not only reduce violence but also help raise responsible and compassionate citizens. In recent years, Montenegro has introduced a number of strategic measures and programs aimed at addressing peer violence. School safety assistants have been engaged, international projects have been implemented in cooperation with the Council of Europe, protocols have been developed, and workshops and training sessions for teachers have been organized. Nevertheless, despite these efforts, the number of reported cases continues to rise. This is also, in part, a positive development, as greater awareness, education, and support have encouraged more students and teachers to report incidents. At the same time, we must remain aware that many victims still remain silent, some schools continue to avoid acknowledging the problem, and many parents are unaware of what their children are experiencing. Although progress has been made, systemic change remains slow. Long-term investments, continuous evaluation of programs, and locally tailored approaches are essential. Schools differ from one community to another, and children do not all have the same needs. What works in one environment may prove ineffective in another. Establishing standards is only the first step; without consistent implementation, ongoing training, and trust between schools, students, and parents, meaningful change will remain limited. Peer violence in Montenegro is not an isolated problem affecting only individual students, schools, or families. Given its frequency, intensity, and evolving forms, this phenomenon reflects the broader state of society itself. Addressing it therefore requires a collective effort involving schools, parents, institutions, the media, and students. Only a society that recognizes the importance of mental health, tolerance, and nonviolence can move toward sustainable development, progress, and social well-being.